Tariffs are pushing East Asian LNG customers toward the U.S.: The industrial impacts of Trump’s tariffs, alongside intense political pressures, are pushing major energy importers such as China, India, Japan and South Korea to purchase American—rather than Gulf—LNG, to narrow trade imbalances with the U.S.
Washington is pressuring East Asian countries to invest in U.S. energy infrastructure: The U.S. is pushing Taiwan, Korea and Japan to invest in a pipeline project in Alaska and in American LNG shipbuilding. Gulf states should keenly follow this, as Taiwan has displayed interest, but Japan and South Korea are skeptical about the pipeline project due to the likelihood of low returns. The U.S. has also banned Chinese LNG vessels from docking at U.S. ports, which will impact shipping routes.
The AI revolution requires nuclear-powered AI data centers in East Asia: East Asian nations’ commitment to Artificial Intelligence and mega chip cluster development will heavily impact their energy plans, as nuclear power will be needed to generate enough electricity to power AI data centers.
Future energy strategies of East Asian economies drive LNG sourcing plans: East Asian nations’ future energy plans should be at the core of the Gulf’s LNG export policies and diversification strategies. To avoid supply chain interruptions amid an evolving global LNG market, the Gulf will need to address demands for flexible conditions like short-term contracts without destination clauses.
During his first term, U.S. President Donald Trump imposed tariffs—antidumping, countervailing and safeguard duties—on certain products. The U.S. Export Control Reform Act (ECRA) of 2018 was implemented in line with a ban on Chinese telecoms firm Huawei,1 reversing a decades-long liberalization of export controls by the U.S.2 This proved to be a prelude to semiconductor export controls implemented under the subsequent Biden administration. Over time, the tech war became the core of the trade war, and the Biden administration identified certain sectors of technologies critical to its digital and green transition (DX & GX) goals, in which the U.S. had fallen behind,3 proposing to hand out subsidies and enticing allies to invest in U.S. DX and GX, via new legislations (e.g. the Chips and Science Act and the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022).
Figure 1. U.S. Trade Balances with Major Trading Partners (Bn USD)4
During his second term, Trump has imposed a broader reciprocal tariff system, country by country,5 since “Liberation Day” on April 2, 2025. This has compelled targeted counterparts to come to the table for bilateral negotiations with the U.S. if they seek to avoid or reduce the tariffs—particularly in the areas of critical and emerging technologies—while closing trade imbalances through purchases of U.S. Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) or other exports, or by investing in the U.S. Trump had suspended reciprocal tariffs on countries excluding China, applying only baseline tariffs at 10% during the 3-month negotiation period. Most countries that have significant trade surpluses with the U.S. (Figure 1)—notably China, India, Japan, and South Korea—have held multiple rounds of negotiations with the U.S. Washington set a deadline of August 1, 2025 for a final decision on reciprocal tariffs, leaving trading partners to seek recourse either by counter-tariffs or further negotiations. Notably, Japan and Korea were both set to face 25% reciprocal tariffs starting from August 1, 2025, unless further agreements are reached.6 The EU,7 Japan,8 and South Korea9 agreed on a 15% baseline tariff for their exports to the U.S after prolonged negotiations. All three yielded to U.S. pressure to invest hundreds of billions of dollars into the U.S., promised to buy more LNG from U.S.-based suppliers, and promised to consider investing or participating in the Alaska LNG pipeline project. For its part, the EU has previously pledged to spend $750 billion to replace Russian gas and oil.10 Meanwhile, Japan is aiming to spend $200 billion to import or 5.5 Mtpa of natural gas for 20 years,11 and South Korea has set a target of $100 billion in LNG deals with the U.S. 12 This coincides with other variables—such as these three actors’ aim to diversify their LNG portfolios at a time when energy security concerns and supply chain risks are critical.
Since the shale gas revolution in the 2010s, the U.S. has become the world’s largest producer and exporter of LNG,13 as well as the world’s third-biggest oil exporter (Figures 3 and 4). In 2024, energy exports accounted for 16% of U.S. exports.14 However, it has not been immune to turbulence in global energy markets. Geopolitically, the war in the Ukraine since 2022 has shifted the market in complex ways, as Russian gas was sanctioned by the U.S. but still sold to Europe (Figure 2),15 including through rerouting via China.16 Even U.S. allies Japan and South Korea continue to consume some Russian gas, despite the U.S. insisting that its allies should cease Russian LNG imports. Washington is also demanding that the should EU purchase U.S. LNG,16 while EU countries oppose a baseline 10% tariff similar to that demanded by the U.S. as a starting point in the agreements18 that the U.S. inked with the UK19 and China.20
Figure 2. Russian Gas Exports to the EU 27, 2022-2025, billion cubic meters (BCM).21
Figure 3: U.S. Energy Exports by Destination Country (2024)22
Gulf countries have gone ahead with planned natural gas projects. Qatar plans to expand its North Field project, increasing LNG production capacity23 by 43% from 77 million tonnes per annum (mtpa) to 110 mtpa via an expansion set for completion by 2027.24 In the United Arab Emirates, the focus was on activating a low-carbon facility at Abu Dhabi’s Al Ruwais Industrial City, operating LNG export facilities on clean power, and utilizing AI and digitalization for greater efficiency. Ruwais LNG, operated by state energy firm ADNOC, is set to have a total capacity of 9.6 Mtpa. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia’s Aramco has been tapping unconventional (shale) gas in the Jafurah onshore gas field in the country’s Eastern Province, to meet rising local demand.25 The Jafurah field is poised to come onstream in 2025 and to yield 2 billion standard cubic feet per day (bcf/d), equivalent to 15.19 Mtpa, by 2030.26
Overall, new or expanded projects are poised to place the global LNG market in overcapacity, creating an “influenced” buyers’ market due to tariff pressures, in which low price and short distance to delivery may not be the most compelling factors.
During Trump’s first term, major LNG-consuming countries—China, India, Japan and South Korea—each signed long-term contracts with the U.S. to stave off trade pressures and to diversify their LNG sources.27 Given this precedent, they had anticipated that under Trump’s second term, the U.S. would expect the same form of LNG purchases; indeed, the four main Asian LNG buyers faced such pressure in their initial meetings with Trump.28 While demand for LNG continues to grow among major Asian consumers such as China and India, suppliers are also in intense competition due to political pressures imposed by U.S. tariffs.29 The U.S. also underlined that U.S. LNG contracts vary in duration and offer flexibility, as they do not have destination clauses30 or bans on third-party sales, unlike traditional long-term contracts, particularly with Qatar or Australia.
Prior to retaking office, Trump pressured East Asian countries to invest in the Alaska Pipeline Project. Officials from the Alaska Gasline Development Corporation (AGDC) and its development partner Glenfarne Group visited Taiwan, South Korea and Japan to generate interest in the project. Alaska has traditionally been a Republican state and a Trump stronghold.31 While it ranks fifth in the U.S. in terms of dry natural gas withdrawals (approximately 3.5 trillion cubic feet annually)32 from some 125 trillion cubic feet of reserves, they are reinjected back into oil reservoirs to help maintain crude oil production rates, due to the lack of a pipeline to transport the natural gas to consumers in southern Alaska or for export.33 The $44-billion project in which the Trump administration has pressed Taiwan, South Korea and Japan to invest is an infrastructure project rather than an LNG project, aiming to build a 807-mile pipeline connecting Prudhoe Bay (where the gas treatment plant is located) to the Nikiski in the south of Alaska (Figure 4). From there, Alaskan LNG could be shipped to Asia with an estimated delivery time of seven days to Japan and eight to South Korea, bypassing the Panama Canal and using a direct route across the Pacific Ocean.
Figure 4. The Alaska Pipeline Project’s Proposed Route, as of December 202334
The project had received a U.S. federal loan guarantee35 for $30 billion from the Department of Energy, via Biden administration’s Inflation Reduction Act,36 with a proposed completion year of 2030 or 2031, but the remainder of the required investment had yet to be secured at the time of writing. The project has been regarded as lacking feasibility. During Trump’s first term in office, China’s state-owned China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), its sovereign wealth fund the China Investment Corporation (CIC), and its central bank, the People’s Bank of China (PBOC), had signed a Joint Development Agreement on LNG with the U.S. in November 2017, with a proposed investment of $43 billion), under pressure from the first Trump administration to cut U.S. trade deficits. However, they had exited the project by 2019 due to fears of low returns.37
In March 2025, Taiwan, seeking energy security and vulnerable to China, sought a deal with the U.S. and indicated its intent to purchase $200 billion worth of goods (including LNG) from the U.S.38 Taiwan’s state-owned petroleum company CPC signed a letter of intent (LOI) to invest in the project.39 Taiwan also said it would send a delegation to the Alaska Sustainable Energy Summit hosted by the U.S. Department of Energy in June 2025.40 Japan and South Korea also face intense pressures to invest in the Alaska pipeline project for LNG distribution and export,41 but the Alaska project has had a bad track record; both countries appear skeptical toward the project.42 Officials from Japan’s Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) and JERA attended the Alaska Summit. JERA submitted an expression of interest in the project, offering financial and technical contributions including investment, in order to smooth tariff talks, but without specifying how much LNG it intends to buy.43 Officials from South Korea’s Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy (MOTIE) and state-owned natural gas firm KOGAS also attended the Alaska Summit. The U.S., aware of the Japanese desire for Trump’s green light for Nippon Steel’s acquisition of U.S. Steel, has been soliciting Japanese investment in the Alaska pipeline project and calling for the use of Japanese steel.44 South Korea has previously formed joint ventures to develop LNG in Alaska in 198445 and 2020,46 under U.S. pressure, which have not led to concrete results.
Cognizant of South Korea’s prowess in shipbuilding and the waning of its own shipbuilding industry,47 the U.S. has called for South Korean ship-makers to build U.S. LNG carriers in the U.S., as well as naval ships.48 Such developments are the result of regulatory shifts aiming to counter China’s ascent in the maritime, logistics and shipbuilding sectors. The also U.S. plans to charge Chinese vessels to dock in U.S. ports.49
According to the IEA, the AI revolution will double energy demand by 2030 (compared to current demand).50 AI is at the heart of East Asian nations’ energy planning, in tandem with their net-zero goals. Powering and maintaining AI data centers will require an exponential increase in electricity supply, as reflected in the UAE’s recent announcement that it would launch an AI campus with a 5GW power capacity.51 For East Asian players that seek to boost their chip production by building clusters or expanding foundries, an expanded electricity supply is all the more vital. However, countries vary in terms of their energy sources for power generation, depending on where they see strengths and weaknesses in their energy mixes. This in turn affects the degree to which they need to diversify their LNG portfolios.
Japan’s “7th Strategic Energy Plan,” covering the period until 2040, signals an expansion of nuclear power and renewable energy sources to fit the country’s net-zero goals (Figure 5).52 The plan has faced criticism for being unrealistic, as Japan currently runs 12 nuclear reactors—far short of the 27 needed to achieve its goals.53 While Japan’s LNG demand is projected to fall, it is seeking to secure consistent procurement of the fuel, under flexible terms. In 2017, the Japan Fair Trade Commission (JFTC) ruled that destination restrictions that prevent the reselling of contracted LNG cargoes breached antitrust rules,54 leading JERA and Tokyo Gas to renegotiate some contracts with LNG suppliers.55 JERA is currently negotiating a long-term contract to buy 3 mtpa from QatarEnergy.56 Japan’s LNG portfolio is somewhat diversified.57 The country conducted rounds of negotiations with Washington, with the goal of having U.S. tariffs removed on Japanese autos, car parts, steel and aluminum. It remains unclear how much U.S. LNG Japan will commit to buying, but Japan has pledged a $550 billion investment into the U.S. along with the signing by JERA for a $200 billion LNG deal. It is notable that given the absence of destination clauses in the U.S. LNG contracts, Japan has been building its status as a gas hub with sales to third countries in Southeast Asia.
Figure 5. Japan’s Energy Plan from 2022 to 2040, kilowatt-hours (kWh)58
Figure 6. Japan’s LNG Imports 2023-2024, as of February 2025 (mtpa).59
South Korea’s 11th Basic Plan for Long-Term Electricity Supply and Demand (BPLE) until 2038 projects a major shift on how it will deliver energy for its tech industries (chips, batteries, display, biotech, future cars and robotics sectors) and for powering for AI data centers (Figure 7).60 In particular, the Yongin Chip Cluster (1.4 GW), data centers (4.4 GW) and electrification of transportation and daily life (11 GW) will lead to unprecedented usage of electricity, which will be met by nuclear and renewables, in line with the goal of meeting net-zero and energy efficiency targets. Two new nuclear reactors are set to be deployed between 2037-2038 (2.8GW), and for the first time, a 0.7-GW small modular reactor (SMR) will be deployed by 2036, with the possibility of further deployment.61
Figure 7. South Korea’s Energy Plan, 2024 to 2038: Future Energy Mix by Terrawatt hour (tWh)62
South Korea has been importing 9 Mtpa of LNG from Qatar and exporting LNG vessels to the country.63 In November 2024, QatarEnergy officials visited Seoul and Tokyo to meet counterparts at KOGAS (Korea Gas Corporation) and JERA, to emphasize their partnership while anticipating renewal of the long-term contracts with Korean and Japanese parties leading up to long-term contractual expiry. 64 In the meeting with KOGAS, QatarEnergy insisted on retaining the destination clauses. In December 2024, KOGAS shortlisted BP, Trafigura and TotalEnergies for a 2.1-mtpa long-term LNG contract and has reportedly signed several heads-of-agreements (HOAs), covering amounts, pricing structure, supply periods and handover methods in long-term contracts, with U.S. LNG suppliers.65
In July 2021, KOGAS signed a 2 Mtpa LNG contract with QatarEnergy for 20 years (2025-2044),66 but South Korea’s existing long-term LNG contracts with Qatar—for 2.02 Mtpa in 2025 and 2 Mtpa in 2026—are likely to lapse, given the country’s focus on diversification of its LNG portfolio. South Korea will seek new sources of LNG by shifting to U.S. suppliers, as the country still relies on the Gulf for 36% of its total LNG imports67 and seeks further diversification (Figure 8). South Korea exhibits a standard case in which lapsing contracts are replaced by U.S. LNG, in an effort aimed at minimizing the impact of U.S. tariffs on its core industries such as autos and chips.
Figure 8. South Korea’s LNG Portfolio, 2009-2023 (mtpa)68
China’s ambitious future energy plan includes huge solar and wind projects as well as nuclear generation (Figure 9). The country has one of the world’s biggest AI data centers, contributing to soaring electricity demand. There is no doubt that China will continue consuming LNG, but it has stopped purchasing it from the U.S. since February 6. 69 Given the trade war between the U.S. and China, particularly over AI chip export controls, it is not clear whether the two countries will reach an agreement resembling the Phase 1 Deal reached in 2020. Since then, China has diverted to the UAE, reaching a 5-year LNG supply agreement with ADNOC.70 China already has a very diversified LNG portfolio and consumes Russian Piped Natural Gas (PNG), so sourcing does not appear to be a problem, were negotiations with the U.S. to fail (Figure 10).
Figure 9. China’s Energy Plan, 2025 to 206071
Figure 10. China’s LNG Import Portfolio, 2015-2025 (mtpa)72
India has been an important player in the Gulf LNG market—importing primarily from Qatar. In contrast to Japan and Korea, whose trade policies in the past two decades were focused on reaching Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) and Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), India only secured its first FTA with a western economy (the United Kingdom) in June 2025. It completed the fifth round of talks on a Bilateral Trade Agreement (BTA) with the U.S. in the shadow of U.S. tariffs73 but could not reach an agreement on replacing Russian gas, with India arguing for its diplomatic posture towards Russia.74 The sticking points in the negotiation are on agriculture and automobiles, and the key goal for India has been to remove the additional 26% of tariffs and reduce duties on steel and aluminum (currently at 50%) and autos (25%). Top Indian LNG importers sought to buy more LNG from U.S. suppliers in the lead-up to the Trump-Modi summit in Washington, D.C. in February.75 This reflected a trend of Asian players and the EU purchasing more U.S. LNG to offset trade imbalances with the U.S. and to defend themselves against Trump’s tariffs. While more than half of India’s LNG imports derive from the Gulf (Qatar, UAE, Oman), it has been increasing its LNG purchases in the past two years (Figure 10).
Figure 11. India’s LNG Portfolio, 2023-2024 (mtpa)76
Since the shale gas revolution, LNG spot markets have emerged, alongside a continued trend of long-term contracts in the form of SPAs (Sale and Purchase Agreements). With the geopolitical impact of the Ukraine War on LNG supply chains, various forms of LNG SPA are emerging as traditional long-term contracts lapse.77 It has dawned upon East Asian countries that long-term contracts do not necessarily ensure lower prices (see Figure 13.1, the case of Japan, where prices of LNG from the UAE and Qatar have been the highest). This has created a rush to replace lapsing long-term contracts in various ways. That is particularly true in South Korea, which has seen a domestic debate over the relative high price it pays for Gulf LNG compared to other East Asian destinations, including China, due to the failure to predict demand—or because purchases are bound to long-term contracts (see Figures 13.2 and 14).78 Against this backdrop, and adding to the falling price of natural gas and LNG prices in the past year (2024-2025) consistent with the continuing trend of natural gas price falls (Figure 12), East Asian players will maneuver towards various options.79 In light of tariffs, East Asian players are likely to prefer short, flexible, unbundled LNG SPAs (without destination clauses).
Figure 12. Global LNG Prices, 2014-2023 (USD/MBtu)80
Figure 13. Japanese and South Korean Import Prices81
Figure 14. Asian Market LNG Import Prices During the Ukraine War (USD/MBtu)82
LNG markets are likely to witness overcapacity in the coming years.83 More than 70 mtpa of net contracted capacity will expire by 2030.84 In the current climate of trade war and their respective ongoing bilateral negotiations with the Trump administration, it is difficult to gauge how major East Asian buyers will vary in terms of the amounts and terms in their contractual agreements for U.S. LNG purchases. But it is evident that they seek to secure the best possible deals and minimize the impact of tariffs, by pushing for arrangements that will fit their interests based on their future energy plans. It is highly likely that the preference for term contractual arrangements with buyer protection against shortfalls will prevail over maintenance of long-lasting business relationship. On this point, Gulf states should consider flexible provisions in future contracts to keep Gulf LNG attractive, given the impact of Trump’s tariffs on their Asian customer base—that is, China, Japan and South Korea.